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Over the last few decades, there has been a rapid expansion in the understanding of gender identity along with the implications for the care of transgender individuals. The new guideline establishes a framework for the appropriate treatment of these individuals and standardizes terminology to be used by healthcare professionals.
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Gautreau said that each person in the vehicle gets one COVID-19 rapid test kit which has 5 tests within it. Those who currently have COVID-19 symptoms or have contracted the virus within the last 90 days were not able to take home a test.
Features of the Canadian social and political environment have boosted activist effectiveness, but it was not always so. In the late 1940s, regular attendance at religious services was much higher than the average in the industrialized world, and within the political arena there were basically no voices calling for reform in moral policies shaped by conservative religious values (Noll, 2007). Starting in the 1960s, rapid secularization set in, much in line with developments through much of Western Europe. Weekly attendance at religious services eventually declined to less than 15%, and among francophone Catholics to less than 10%. Evangelical Protestants, most often in the vanguard of antigay protests, have been a visible presence in Canadian political life, but they are much less influential than their American cousins, constituting less than 10% of the overall population (Malloy, 2011).
In this period of rapidly proliferating movement activism, gender issues remained largely unresolved. The prominence of police attacks on institutions frequented largely by gay men (like bathhouses and bars) reinforced the pattern of male dominance in advocacy networks. There were also divisions among activists over pornography, most male activists resisting attacks on or regulations of sexual representation, and many lesbians (certainly not all) drawn to feminist mobilizing against the misogynist oppressiveness of porn. These conflicts intensified later on in the 1980s as the courts and the federal government developed frameworks for regulating sexual material ostensibly informed by feminist arguments, though eventually the warfare over pornography within lesbian and gay advocacy networks abated as more evidence accumulated that new rules were just as discriminatory toward LGBT material as the old ones (Cossman, Bell, Gotell, & Ross, 1997).
From its early years, the AIDS epidemic drew in veterans of what was now an experienced and high-profile movement. Mostly these were gay men, but this crisis partially bridged the gender divide by attracting many women with long experience in confronting gender discrimination in the health system. AIDS committees were formed in Toronto and Vancouver in 1983, and soon afterward in Montreal and other cities. The rapid spread of infection and the awareness of what devastation was being inflicted on major American communities generated alliances with reformist public health officials who were intent on developing preventive strategies that would work. This opened the door in the mid-1980s to local and provincial government funding for community-based programs aimed at providing supports for those already infected and educational campaigns for those who were not. This may have tied AIDS groups to the provision of social services, but also expanded the capacity to intervene legally and politically in defending sexual minority communities from discriminatory exclusion based on the fear of HIV. AIDS activists in most urban centers were also able to work with the mainstream media to reduce sensationalist reportage.
Overall, this was a period in which political recognition of sexual minorities had expanded rapidly and to some extent had become normalized. There were certainly important exceptions, schooling being an important issue area receiving, up to the 1990s until then, only localized attention. There were still major LGBT communities facing extraordinary social and economic disadvantage, trans and Indigenous people among them. The gains, however, were unmistakable. Public opinion had shifted to a remarkable degree, to the extent that by 2004 there was majority support for gay/lesbian adoption and marriage (Rayside, 2008, p. 47). After much hand-wringing, centrist parties had come to embrace LGBT rights and even to see political advantage in attacking right-wing politicians for antigay pronouncements. Large corporations had moved beyond the extension of benefits to same-sex couples and were beginning to vie with one another for reputation as LGBT inclusive. Pride marches had grown many times larger than they had been and were popping up in small as well as large cities across the country.
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